State of Darkness: US Complicity in Genocides Since 1945

 

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Dangers/Hopes of New Technology

Posted: 08/15/2008

The author http://www.alternet.org/story/95126  brilliantly describes how humans evolved to a consumer/capitalistic/patriarchical society which we delude ourselves into believing is sustainable. He omitted a very significant revolution, information, which as the others, accelerated our pace towards ultimate doom unless we escape our delusions.

 

Information has created a world in which large corporations can operate on a global scale where manufacturing is located in the countries with the cheapest labor thus driving down wages even further.

 

Information technology has opened the door to the speculative economy where investors divert their money to non-productive investments depriving the real economy of much needed capital. It has also affected the stock market and the concentration of wealth.

 

As well, information technology has deprived us of some of our civil, political and legal rights. Just look at the 2000 and 2004 elections or the unregulated surveillance of citizens.

 

In addition, it has created a plethora of products such as the increasingly miniaturization of computers, cell phones, and GPS. Their great contribution to consumerism is the much faster rate of both perceived and real obsolescence creating a much greater market for newer generations of these products.

 

On the bright side, information technology has fashioned a new tool for activists who can now network and plan on a global scale.

 

Information technology is a very significant revolution in human evolution, one that may accelerate our race towards extinction or generate more hope for awareness and change.


Military Spending and the Economy

Posted: 08/14/2008

Half of the American budget is devoted to defense spending and the economy would be in a real quandary without it.  American political leaders would have to decide how to spend all the money freed up and since they believe in minimal government (except for defense, of course), they will face a real challenge.  Possibly they could invest more in space travel to speed up our Mars program.  Imagine the thrill of the average American, hungry or not, of witnessing such a stupendous technological accomplishment.  If we are sufficiently fortuitous, we might encounter hostile aliens who would force us to spend more on defense again.

 

They could implement tax breaks for the rich but since they pay so little already, there would still be too much money remaining waiting to be spent.  The government could use the surplus after the tax breaks to further subsidize large corporations but then we might end up paying all their costs which sort of makes it a government program. Yikes

 

On the other hand, if the government has a problem in how to spend the money, they might turn to spending it on education, healthcare, infrastructure, and renewable forms of energy but it would be with great reluctance.  It might be a real struggle for them since they are stealing profits from the private sector and that is not allowed in a free market economy.  Maybe they could give a grant to the Chicago School of Economics for the purpose of revising their theories somewhat to accommodate this unexpected disaster (being forced to spend money on public programs and services).  If there is a God, some group or nation will attack an American embassy or fire on an American ship so that the U.S. would be justified in taking over the world again.

 


You Can't Eat or Drink Profits

Posted: 08/13/2008

Food and water are basic human rights not commodities and people should not be subject to fluctuating prices and supply in the privatized, unregulated, profit-oriented market that benefits investors and multinational corporations.  Treating food and water as commodities is the quintessential example of profits over people.  It makes no sense to allow one group to earn profits at the expense of another group’s ability to feed itself.

 

The speculation boom is one extreme example of investors funneling their money into speculative exchanges rather than into real production that contributes to the economy.  Speculators have also contributed to the rapid rise in oil prices which also contribute to the expense of growing food,

 

Even some of the so-called natural factors that contribute to a worldwide shortage of food such as floods and droughts may very well be related to global warming which is partly a result of the government’s refusal to manage greenhouse emissions and seek alternatives to fossil fuel.

 

Government has turned a blind eye to the privatization of water and the regulation of water consumption, and toxins which pollute the water.  Forty percent of American rivers and streams have been so severely polluted that they are dangerous for fishing, drinking, and swimming.  For a number of reasons, a major part of the United States is running out of water.  For example, California has a twenty year supply of freshwater remaining, New Mexico a ten year supply, and Arizona is out.

 

The problem is worldwide.  In addition to companies such as Coca Cola and Nestle depleting aquifers in India and countries turning to biofuels which requires large quantities of water, countries have been forced by the IMF, largely under the control of the U.S. Treasury, to privatize their water putting the price beyond the reach of most people.

 

The trend of profits over people has penetrated our basic needs as human beings and is no longer only sucking the dollars out of our pockets but the food and water from our mouths.  Governments need to recognize that their mandate is to serve the people not the coffers of large corporations and actively engage themselves in this problem.

 


Obama: Same Old Foreign Policy

Posted: 07/31/2008

President Bush seems to have shifted ever so slightly in the direction of the diplomatic route with respect to Iran but the hint of a new approach was forced on him by political realities.  American foreign policy has not fundamentally changed since the period after World War II when it was defined by Truman, George Kennan, John Foster Dulles and Dean Acheson.  The underlying premise of U.S. foreign policy is that the government should not hesitate to use military force whenever and wherever it is necessary to protect American interests.

 

That premise still dictates American approach to countries where America either needs to establish or protect its interests through force if needed.  The bombing and occupation of Iraq has been driven by the imperative of protecting American oil company’s interests which included the building of military bases.  Hence you have Obama’s pledge to draw down the troops rather than withdraw the troops.  Between 30,000 and 70,000 troops will be needed to protect American oil interests.  Since democracy, freedom and reconstruction are as distant today as they were after the occupation, it is difficult to argue that those were American goals in Iraq.  The sectarian violence did not begin until after the occupation.

 

Afghanistan is another example of bombing and fighting a war in a country where the U.S. needs to build bases for the purpose of protecting the pipeline from the Caspian Sea. Again, it is difficult to argue that fighting the war on terrorism, freeing the Afghan people and bring democracy to the country was the real purpose.  The United States abandoned the hunt for Osama to bomb Iraq, a country with no involvement in 9/11.  The warlords and Northern Alliance supported by the U.S. are no better and possibly worse than the Taliban.  The American puppet government barely has control of Kabul so democracy is well beyond the horizon.

 

Obama has pledged to send more troops to this war-torn country to intervene in a civil war that appears to be not winnable.  The Taliban are gaining strength with recruits from Pakistan and have gained control over half the country where they are winning popular support against the occupiers who have killed tens of thousands of innocent civilians.  Weddings seem to be the target of choice for American bombers.

 

Nothing has really changed since Truman funded dictatorships in Greece and Turkey after WW II to prevent left-wing insurgents from taking over.  If Obama is serious about a new direction in foreign policy he needs to rethink his basic assumptions about how to relate to the rest of the world.

 


Obama and the Paper Republic

Posted: 07/04/2008

As the interminable circus marches on towards its ultimate and merciful conclusion on November 4, 2008, pundits peer through their electronic microscopes seeking any activities that they can report as significant events in a miasma of irrelevant factoids masquerading as real issues.   The latest charade involves Obama’s lurch to the centre to dupe the moderate conservative voters into believing that he really wasn’t the liberal pansy who defeated Clinton for the nomination but a born-again McCain who can swing a club as well as the next caveman.

 

All of this posturing is part of a larger game in which the two major candidates blather on about the message of the hour, day, or week depending on the political needs of a particular constituency.  The point is not whether they are contradicting themselves or changing opinions but the fact that the positions they take at any time during the campaign are entirely irrelevant. In fact, they only adopt positions that will maximize their vote-getting potential.

 

Chasing votes during elections rather than standing on a principled and honest platform is only one of many weaknesses which render the American system of democracy highly ineffectual and virtually devoid of the basic principals of democracy.

 

One of the important principles in a democracy is that citizens must have a real choice among two or more parties who clearly offer a different agenda.  Campaigning in the United States is not about offering the voters a real choice but about presenting an image and a message which will win them a majority of the electoral votes or a seat in Congress.  Campaign promises are sucked into a galactic black hole, lost forever with all previous campaign promises.

 

Selling the message and image depends to a large extent on local and national advertising.  The expense of advertising engenders a dichotomy among candidates in which the candidates or parties with the most money have a clear advantage.  This dichotomy excludes any third party or independent candidate from running a campaign with the same ability to deliver their message to the voters.  Another problem with paid ads is their negative impact on people’s perceptions of candidates and platforms as clever, manipulative gimmickry replaces thoughtful discussion of the issues.  As in many European countries, paid advertising should be banned.

 

 Another essential principle of democracy is the necessity of political parties and candidates to be beholden only to the public interest.  For example, Obama’s decision to reject matching funds reflects his interest in maximizing his war chest through corporate donations.  McCain is not only the beneficiary of corporate donations but his staff is replete with lobbyists and other business interests.  Power is the ultimate prize and without corporate donations, it is well beyond reach.  In effect, American voters are choosing a president whose success was based on corporate money.  Inevitably, presidents will focus on corporate interests when making decisions.

 

Another related critical flaw in American democracy is the lack of equal access to decision-makers.   In an ideal democracy, the people who are elected to serve the citizenry must treat each of them as equally as possible in formulating policy but in the American system, there is virtually an insuperable chasm with lobbyists on the same side as Congress and everyone else on the other side.  Lobbyists spare no expense in an effort to persuade elected officials to serve their client’s interest.  They have three critical advantages over the ordinary citizen consisting of unimpaired access to decision-makers, a huge wellspring of resources, and an in-depth knowledge of the intricacies and complexities of the legislative process.  Such unbalanced influence renders democracy impossible as long as elected representatives are willing to listen.

 

Consider the Medicare Prescription Drug Improvement and Modernization Act of 2003 which prohibited the federal government from negotiating lower prices with drug companies.  The pharmaceutical industry spent $100 million on lobbying and campaign contributions and employed 1,000 lobbyists to sell the bill to Congress and according to Walter Jones, member of the House of Representatives, lobbyists wrote the bill.  Despite the Orwellian wording of the bill, the public were the losers and the pharmaceutical companies the winners in an example of how lobbying and donations corrupts the democratic process.  Case in point, Jim Demers, a lobbyist for the pharmaceutical industry, is a supporter of Obama.

 

Further proof that elected officials subordinate the public interest to the demands of powerful corporations is the gap between the policies and decisions of the government and the opinions of the public as manifested through surveys of public priorities.

 

For example, a 2008 Gallup poll revealed that 63 percent of the public believes that sending troops to Iraq was a mistake as opposed to 36 percent who disagree.  This result demonstrates that the public has moved well beyond withdrawing the troops to believing that the war was wrong in the first place.  In another example, Gallup showed that 61 percent of the public believe that the emphasis should be on conservation in addressing America’s energy problem as opposed to 29% who still believe in oil, gas, and coal.  Obama’s willingness to meet the public’s preferences on the question of energy can be called into question by his connection to lobbyists in the energy sector including Michael Bauer, lobbyist working for the clean coal industry and Frank Clark, lobbyist for the nuclear industry.   

 

According to the same poll, 68 percent of Americans believe that the quality of the environment is becoming worse as opposed to 26 percent who disagree.  Sixty-five percent believe that the effects of global warming will manifest themselves within five years as opposed to 38 percent who disagree.  If the key to a functioning democracy is the responsiveness of elected officials to the will of the people, then U.S. elected representatives deserve a failing grade.

 

In an ideal democracy, the legislative structure would be non-hierarchical so that no member of the legislative assembly would have the power to exercise a veto or unduly influence other members to vote in a particular way.   In the American system, the Speaker of the House and the Chairs of Committees and Subcommittees have extraordinary power to influence the success of legislation.  Chairs of both Committees and Subcommittees have the power to bury legislation and to set the agenda for the committee.

 

At the top of the hierarchy in the House of Representatives is the Speaker who sets the legislative calendar deciding when legislation is debated and voted on.  As well, the Speaker is very influential in choosing the Chairs of Committees.  Concentration of power in one person undermines the principle of representative democracy by not allowing the representatives of all the people to participate equally in the passage of legislation.  There is no democracy when one person has so much power over the legislative process.

 

Representative democracy also requires that the outcome of an election in terms of the distribution of seats among the participating political parties must reflect the will of the voters.  The electoral outcome in the House of Representatives is based on the number of seats won by each party, not on the popular vote.  For example, one party can win a number of seats by slim margins but lose the remaining seats by huge margins.  In the extreme case, one party can win all the seats by one vote yet only represent half the population.  The solution to this problem, proportional representation, is practiced in all but three democracies, Canada, the U.S., and the UK.

 

Another flaw in the electoral system is the Electoral College which no longer serves its original purpose which was, at least, in part elitist as in Plato’s Republic in which only wise men chose the Philosopher-King.  Not only does the Electoral College not represent the popular vote but it would have been possible in 2000, given the allocation of electors, to elect the president on the electoral votes of only 11 states.

 

The problem lies not in the candidates or eventual winners but the system itself which is so rife with flaws that it barely qualifies as a democracy.  In a genuine republic, the government would be concerned about the weal of all its citizens not just the top 10 percent.  Democratic rule would not tolerate approximately 45 million people living in poverty and a child poverty rate of 22 percent while at the same time offering huge tax breaks to wealthy citizens and to corporations along with subsidies to corporations which are earning record profits.  In the OECD, the United States is the only country without government-run health insurance and paid maternity leave.

 

No economic theory with its esoteric language, inane assumptions, and inscrutable mathematics can justify the ongoing widening gap between the have and have-nots and the lack of programs and services for so many citizens.  There is another name for a system with these characteristics; it’s called a plutocracy.

 


Selling Out: Consuming Ourselves to Death

Posted: 06/22/2008

Wars, toxic waste, energy, global warming, the water crisis, food shortages, depletion of natural resources, and economic collapse dominate public discourse, yet the most fundamental problem underlying all these perils is rarely discussed nor fully understood.  Our hedonistic, Epicurean lifestyle derives from a grievous structural flaw in the economic philosophy of industrialized and developing nations alike, namely, the imperative of ever-increasing consumption which is the predominant force in the zeitgeist of the period since World War II   This principal of ever-increasing growth to achieve the meretricious utilitarian aim of promoting the greatest good for the greatest number is so deeply rooted in the structure of our economic system and in the psyches of our economic, business, and political leaders that it has become apotheosized.

 

To say that growth is unsustainable is a tautology.  Current growth rates in industrialized countries compounded by the frenzied pace of growth in other countries which are desperate to achieve the standard of living of the industrialized world, China and India in particular, are exacerbating all the crises plaguing the planet today.

 

Surprisingly, the crisis of growth was recognized in 1972 by a group of scientists who formed an organization called “The Club of Rome”.  Phase One of the project was conducted at MIT which “examined the five basic factors that determine, and therefore, ultimately limit growth on this planet-population, agriculture, natural resources, industrial production, and pollution…Our conclusion from these extrapolations is ...that the short doubling times [of exponential growth] of many of man’s activities …will bring us closer to the limits of growth of these activities surprisingly soon…The crux of the matter is not only whether the human species will survive, but even more whether it can survive without falling into a state of worthless existence.”

 

Historically, it is no accident that excessive consumption has profoundly permeated our culture.  Gross Domestic Product (GDP), developed by Simon Kuznets in 1941 and the leading economic indicator for measuring the health and prosperity of national economies, is virtually useless in achieving its putative objective.  Defined as “the total market value of all final goods and services produced within a given country in a given period of time”, GDP results in economic policies that are formulated to ensure the maximum growth of GDP from year to year.  To reduce the concept of GDP to its simplest terms, an economy is defined as healthy only if people consume more.

 

Forming the basis for many other economic measurements, it weakens their usefulness.  For example, when comparing national debt or tax revenue to previous time periods or to other countries, the methodology requires using the ratio of these amounts to GDP because total tax revenues and debt are meaningless without comparing them to the wealth of a country.   

 

Alarmingly, the rate of growth as measured by the GDP has risen by 261% since 1972 based on the current value of the American dollar.  The implications for pollution waste, global warming, water, energy are directly related to the growth in consumption.

 

By only measuring consumption, GDP is rife with flaws that completely undermine its value as a measurement of human well-being financially or otherwise.   Consider the Exxon Valdez disaster of 1989 in Prince William Sound where ten million gallons of crude oil were spilt.  Estimated total costs of recovery from this disaster were US$7 billion and included cleanup costs, loss of vessel, loss of cargo, salvage costs, fines, penalties, insurance payouts and legal costs.  In addition, it is impossible to measure the loss of 33,126 birds, 3,000 sea otters, and the impact on bears, whales, sea lions, salmon and a myriad of other animals.

 

Every single dollar spent on the Exxon Valdez disaster would have contributed to the GDP as every expense reflected the consumption of a good or service.  In other words, US$7 billion was part of the” total market value of all final goods and services produced within a given country [U.S.].”   The GDP was boosted by the disaster but there were no benefits to a single citizen of the U.S. (unless you want to count the employment of people in the industries which were part of the recovery in which case you would have to define the US$3 trillion spent on the war and occupation of Iraq as a benefit to society).  Referred to as negative counting which includes divorce, cigarettes, alcohol, and automobile accidents, it artificially boosts the value of the GDP without providing any benefits.

 

As well, GDP fails to reflect the distribution of income in society or who is doing the consuming.  Despite the fact that the GDP has been continuously rising over the previous decade, the gap between the rich and poor has widened.  In fact, Simon Kuznets predicted income equality for both poor and rich countries with his inverted U-shaped curve.  His explanation for the growing inequality in countries with increasing wealth resulted from a shift from agricultural to industrial sectors.

 

One of the measurements used to calculate the distribution of income is the Gini Coefficient which ranges from zero (perfect equality) to one (all wealth is concentrated in one person).  In 1967, the Gini Coefficient was .394 in the U.S. whereas in 2001, it was .466.  To emphasize the inefficacy of the GDP, it must be noted that although the United States has the highest GDP among all nations, the United States has the highest Gini Coefficient among thirty of the wealthiest countries.

 

Using linear regression least-squares analysis comparing the Gini Coefficient to GDP, the regression coefficient for the years between 1992 and 2001 is .679 which shows a fairly strong linear relationship.  In other words, as the GDP increased, the gap between the rich and poor increased.

 

A very significant deficiency in the GDP is the failure to incorporate externalities into its calculation.  Externalities are costs that are excluded from the price but paid for either by society or people who suffered as a result of production.  Externalities include damage to the environment, health costs borne by those who suffer from the lack of health and safety measures in the workplace or toxic substances used in production or that result from production and depletion of natural resources.

 

Development of alternatives to the GDP began in 1989 but have been routinely ignored by political leaders and captains of industry inasmuch as GDP does not measure pollution, depletion of resources, or inequitable distribution of income.  Recognition of these flaws would pressure the government to adopt policies that actually benefited all members of society and respected the environment.

 

One of these alternatives is the Genuine Progress Indicator (GPI) which incorporates the following factors: income distribution index, value of household work and parenting, value of higher education, value of volunteer work, cost of crime, loss of leisure time, cost of underemployment, cost of household pollution abatement, cost of automobile accidents, cost of water pollution, cost of air pollution, loss of wetlands, loss of farmland, loss of primary forests, depletion of nonrenewable energy resources, carbon dioxide emissions damage, and costs of ozone depletion.

 

Comparing the variations in the GDP to GPI from 1982 to 2004 reveals the extent to which incorporating factors related to the quality of life for everyone varies the outcome.

 

 

Year                 GDP                GPI                  Year                 GDP                GPI

1982                +4%                 +1.2%              1994                +6.2%              +.33%

1983                +8.7%              +4.2%              1995                +4.6%              +3.8%

1984                +11.2%            -1.2%              1996                +5.7%              +1.9%

1985                +7.3%              +2.3%              1997                +6.2%              +.52%

1986                +5.7%              +.85%              1998                +5.3%              +2.2%

1987                +6.2%              -1.9%              1999                +6.0%              +5.4%

1988                +7.7%              +.6%                2000                +5.9%              +1.0%

1989                +7.5%              +1.3%              2001                +3.2%              -3.9%

1990                +5.8%              +.62%              2002                +3.4%              +3.5%

1991                +3.3%              -.82%              2003                +4.7%              +1.3%

1992                +5.7%              -.27%                          2004                +6.6%              +2.5%

1993                +5.0%              +1.3%

 

Average           +5.9%              +1.13%

 

An average growth rate of 5.9 in the GDP would be considered a healthy expansion of the economy while a growth rate of 1.13% in the GPI would be considered very poor.  In fact, a recession is considered to be two consecutive quarters of negative growth and there were five years of negative growth in the GPI.  Business and political leaders would be confronted with a formidable challenge if they were forced to explain the contrast in these two measurements and why they have not implemented policies to correct the problems exposed by the GPI.  A genuine answer would divulge the synergistic relationship between big business and government.

 

Since the 1950s, growth became so deeply axiomatic in the minds of our leaders that it was well beyond questioning.  Every State of the Union Address to Congress reflected this economic imperative so ostensibly essential to employment and prosperity.  Consider the following excerpts from State of the Union Addresses:

 

Dwight Eisenhower (1958): “There are solid grounds for confidence that economic growth will be resumed without an extended interruption.”

 

Dwight Eisenhower (1959): “The material foundation of our national safety is a strong and expanding economy.”

 

John F. Kennedy (1963): “While programs for full utilization of existing resources are the indispensable first step in a positive policy for faster growth, it is not too soon to move ahead on other programs to strengthen the underlying sources of the Nation’s capacity to grow.”

 

Lyndon Johnson (1965): “Our basic task is threefold: First to keep our economy growing.”

 

Lyndon Johnson (1967): “We shall continue our sensible course of fiscal and budgetary policy that we believe will keep our economy growing.”

 

Lyndon Johnson (1968): “If we act together as I hope we can, I believe we can continue our economic expansion which has already broken all past records.”

 

Richard Nixon (1970): “Our gross domestic product will increase $500 billion in the next years.”

 

Jimmy Carter (1978): “First, the economy must keep on expanding to produce new jobs and better income, which our people need.”

 

Ronald Reagan (1984): “The key to a dynamic decade is vigorous economic growth, our first great goal.”

 

George H. W. Bush (1991): "We will get on our way to a new record of expansion and achieve the competitive strength that will carry us into the next American century.”

 

Bill Clinton (1997): “Over the last 4 years, we have brought new economic growth.”

 

George W. Bush (2002): “The way out of this recession, the way to create jobs, is to grow the economy.”

 

With such a parochial, reflexive attitude towards economic problems, political and economic leaders foreclosed any consideration of socially just, environment-friendly or egalitarian alternatives and any prescience of the possible consequences of their policies.  In addition, political parties and their leaders are almost entirely fixated on serving the interests of their corporate benefactors which demands the pursuit of dystopic, promiscuous growth.

 

Furthermore, economic pundits, academics, and presidential advisors were responsible for hatching, incubating, and nurturing the concept of economic growth as the foremost purpose of governmental economic policies.

 

President Eisenhower’s Council of Economic Advisors (CEA) postulated that “The American economy’s ultimate purpose is to produce more consumer goods.”  President Kennedy’s chief economic advisor, Walter Heller, added a new dimension to Keynesianism, which was originally intended to minimize the effects of a downturn in the economy, but became the underpinning of an ever-expanding economy.  According to Heller “Faster economic growth in the United States requires, above all, an expansion of demand.”  Between 1961 and 1962, James Tobin was also a member of Kennedy’s CEA and also served on the Board of Governors of Federal Reserve System Academic Consultants and as a consultant for the Treasury Board.  In 1964, he gave a paper at Yale University, titled Economic Growth as an Objective of Government Policy. In that paper he recommended that “At least in professional economic discussion, we need to give a definite and distinctive meaning to growth as a policy objective.”

 

The CEA has been preparing an annual report transmitted to Congress reviewing economic conditions over the previous year, evaluating the state of the economy, and proposing recommendations.  Each of these reports presupposes the primacy of economic growth as a solution to unemployment, prosperity and the well-being of all citizens although they did mention growth-related concerns such as inflation, interest rates, and trade.  Consider the following statements in CEA reports:

 

President Johnson (1966): “This rapid growth in the United States exceeds the target rate for the 1960’s established collectively by the member countries of the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD).”

 

President Nixon (1970): “The policies of fiscal and monetary restraint…have laid the ground for a return to price stability and sound economic growth.”

 

President Carter (1979): “Among my first actions in office were steps to strengthen economic growth and speed the return to a high-employment economy.”

 

President Reagan (1987): “More than 4 years of economic expansion, with the inflation rate near or below 4 percent and interest rates declining to the lowest levels in 9 years, have laid the foundation for sustainable real growth with moderate inflation.”

 

President H. W. Bush (1992): “As we move into 1992, the fundamental conditions to generate economic growth are falling into place.”

 

President Clinton (1995): “As 1995 begins, our economy is in many ways as strong as it has been.  Growth in 1994 was robust.”

 

President W. Bush (2005): Our pro-growth policies are taking us in the right direction…I have laid out a comprehensive strategy to sustain growth, create jobs, and confront the challenges of a changing America.”

 

Since one of the major economic advisory agencies to successive governments treats ever-expanding growth as an axiomatic imperative occasionally with some reservations, corporations in America are guaranteed growing demand and hence growing profits.

 

Sustaining rapid growth of demand for their goods and services prompted big business and government to develop strategies to convince the public to buy into their agenda.  These strategies included increasingly sophisticated advertising, tax cuts, availability of easy credit, planned obsolescence, perceived obsolescence, and convincing the public to define themselves in terms of material possessions and branding.

 

At the end of World War II, the question arose as to how to maintain post-war capitalistic growth.   Clifford Brook Stevens, an industrial designer coined the term “planned obsolescence” and defined it as “Instilling in the buyer the desire to own something a little newer, a little better, a little sooner than necessary.”  He also introduced the concept of “perceived obsolescence” when he spoke about planning the creation of something a little more stylish, making the former version look unfashionable although still functional.

 

Victor Lebow, a retailing analyst, conceived of the proposition that “our enormously productive economy…demands that we make consumption our way of life that we convert the buying and use of goods as rituals, that we seek our spiritual satisfaction, our ego satisfaction, in consumption…We need things consumed, burned up, worn out, replaced, and discarded at an ever-increasing rate.”  Lebow articulated the main strategies for sustaining growth: planned obsolescence, perceived obsolescence, the throwaway society, and meeting the spiritual needs of consumers.

 

According to these theories, buying is not about meeting the needs of consumers but about how to dupe them in to ever-increasing consumption to satisfy the self-serving cravings for ever-expanding profits for big business.  Growth became an end in itself rather than a means to improve people’s lives.  Government “of the people, by the people, for the people” has become government of the wealthy and big business, for the wealthy and big business.

 

Reducing taxes thus increasing disposable income is one policy that is frequently implemented to propel growth, despite the fact that the main beneficiaries are the wealthy and large corporations.   Corporate taxes as a share of GDP reveal the extent to which corporate taxes declined as a percentage of total government revenue.  The distribution of wealth as measured by the Gini Coefficient is also included but caution must be exercised when drawing any conclusions about a correlation between tax revenue and distribution of wealth.

 

YEAR                         CORPORATE TAXES                GINI COEFFICIENT

                                    (As a percentage of GDP)

 

1967                                        4.2%                                                    .399

1971                                        2.5%                                                    .396

1976                                        2.4%                                                    .398

1981                                        2.0%                                                    .406

1986                                        1.4%                                                    .425

1991                                        1.7%                                                    .428

1996                                        2.2%                                                    .455

2001                                        1.5%                                                    .466

 

As for personal income tax, the top U.S. marginal income tax rates have plummeted during the Reagan era again favoring the wealthy and large corporations.

 

Year                            TOP MARGINAL TAX RATE   GINI COEFFICIENT

 

1981                                        69.125%                                              .406

1983                                        50%                                                     .414

1985                                        50%                                                     .419

1987                                        38.5%                                                  .426

1989                                        28%                                                     .431

1991                                        31%                                                     .428

1993                                        39.6                                                     .454

2001                                        39.1%                                                  .466

 

Advertising is another major factor in convincing people to remain on the path of ever-growing consumption.  It has become increasingly sophisticated targeting niche markets and selling a brand rather than a product.  There is a very strong linear correlation between growth in the GDP and growth in spending on advertising.  Between 1952 and 1967, the correlation coefficient in a least-squares analysis measuring linearity was .978 which is almost a perfect linear correlation.  In other words, as spending on advertising increased, the GDP rose by a corresponding amount.  From 1991 to 2005, the coefficient was .989 again indicating an almost perfect linear relationship.  Again caution must be exercised in automatically assuming a cause and effect relationship.

 

Elevating growth to the highest pedestal in economic analysis was not the choice of consumers but of corporations with a voracious, insatiable appetite for profits.  Disaster was inevitable as the planet has limited resources and a limited capacity to absorb the shocks resulting from human actions.  The only solution is to consume less and lower our expectations about our indulgent lifestyle.  Equally imperative is to transform the way we define ourselves.  The choice is to voluntarily plan a different future or to be struck by a myriad of disasters jolting us out of denial and avoidance.

 


Two Minutes to Midnight: The Nuclear Peril

Posted: 05/15/2008

 

 

The Bulletin of Atomic Scientists set its doomsday clock to seven minutes before midnight on February 27, 2002, and despite the growing precipitous nuclear crisis since, the clock remains unchanged.  The doomsday clock represents the global level of nuclear danger and has been as close as two minutes to midnight in 1953 when the “United States and Soviet Union tested thermonuclear devices within nine months of one another” and as far away as seventeen minutes on December, 1990, when it was redesigned to reflect democratic movements in Eastern Europe signaling the end of the Cold War.  Nuclear Armageddon is one of two swords of Damocles hanging by a single horse hair over civilization, the other being the reckless destruction of the ecosystem that sustains life on earth.

 

The Bulletin of Atomic Scientists are overly optimistic in leaving the clock at seven minutes to midnight given the Bush administration’s wanton disregard and reckless withdrawal from important nuclear arms regimes which manage the risk of nuclear war, the dangerous proliferation of nuclear weapons and fissionable material and the mindless, irrational blueprint for the increase and miniaturization of nuclear warheads.  The purpose of building smaller but still very powerful warheads is to expand the scope of their usage to any war or pseudo-war waged by the U.S.  In addition, the United States is embarking on a program to weaponize space which will only provoke potential competitors such as China to add to their own arsenals.   The Bush energy policy of transferring dependence on oil to nuclear power poses a number of risks including a nuclear power plant breakdown, disposal of nuclear waste and the creation of additional targets for terrorists.  One of the least understood perils of nuclear proliferation is the high probability of a nuclear accident reflecting the number of accidents which have occurred to date but have not yet resulted in the detonation of a nuclear weapon.  Primarily because of the ignorant power-hungry actions of the Bush administration, the doomsday clock is closer to two minutes to midnight in the last six years since the beginning of his presidency.

 

It could be argued that during the Cold War when both the U.S. and U.S.S.R were scrambling to build bigger and more powerful nuclear warheads and more accurate delivery systems, the risk was greater than today.  During the Cold War, both the Soviet Union and the United States possessed an absurd overkill capacity which spawned the bizarre and demented concept of Mutually Assured Destruction (MAD) whereby no side would launch a first strike for fear of massive retaliation.  The only chink in the armor of MAD was the effort by the United States to build a first strike capability which forced both sides to accelerate the decision-making process about whether to push the nuclear button.  The new system was largely automated and was referred to as launch-on-warning.  The argument that the world is safer today than during the Cold War is meretricious because both the U.S. and Russia still have an overkill capacity and continue to be on a launch-on-warning basis with the additional risk of an aging Russian system which is in a state of dangerous disrepair.

 

It is impossible to assess the extent to which the various treaty and conventions have reduced the risk of nuclear war but both sides have adhered to the arms control regimes to avoid the menace of annihilation.  President Bush has already demonstrated his belief that international laws are optional when American interests are at stake but he has now clearly exhibited his ignorance and utter contempt for some of the most important arms control treaties whose purpose has been to protect human civilization from the scourge of nuclear war.

 

During the Cold War, the U.S. and U.S.S.R. signed the Anti-Ballistic Missile (ABM) treaty which prohibited the development and deployment of defensive systems with the exception that each country was allowed one location, presumably to protect their capital city.  The principle of the AMB Treaty has been to avoid the inevitable increase in the nuclear arsenals on both sides in an attempt to overcome the other side’s defensive system.

 

On June 13, 2002, Dr. Strangebush officially withdrew from the ABM Treaty declaring that the treaty impeded the ability of the United States to defend itself from an Inter-Continental Ballistic Missile (ICBM) attack.  American withdrawal from the ABM treaty was in preparation for developing and deploying a Nuclear Missile Defense (NMD).  The U.S. government planned to convey to the Chinese that they would not object to China expanding its arsenal as a counterweight to an American missile defense system if China would not object to the American NMD.

 

Without the ABM Treaty and with the American intention of ignoring the Outer Space Treaty (OST), there is no obstacle to the weaponization of space.  The weaponization of space will only provoke other nuclear powers to devise a nuclear strategy to overcome a U.S. defensive system in order to avoid being at the mercy of the American arsenal.  Therefore, another result of abandoning the ABM Treaty and the Outer Space Treaty will be a further buildup of nuclear warheads.

 

A further danger in rescinding the ABM Treaty and deploying weapons in space is the threat posed to Russian spaced-based early warning systems.  With American weapons in space, the Russians will be fearful of the vulnerability of their spaced-based monitoring systems resulting in a more nervous trigger finger.  The withdrawal from the ABM Treaty and Outer Space Treaty moves the clock to six minutes to midnight.

 

The lynchpin of the arms treaties regime to guard against nuclear war has been the Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) which prohibits non-nuclear signatory states from developing nuclear weapons in exchange for the five official nuclear powers committing to a reduction in their arsenals and prohibits nuclear states from transferring nuclear components, devices and technology to non-nuclear states.  Although the United States has not withdrawn from the NPT, it has violated it in very significant ways.

 

In the year 2000, the NPT Review Conference committed to an “unequivocal undertaking…to accomplish the total elimination of their nuclear arsenals.”  Although a majority of NPT member states at the 2005 Conference were seeking an agreement to completely dismantle all nuclear weapons based on the 2000 conference, the U.S. obstructed any progress towards that goal by impeding development of a Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty and 13 other steps to achieve nuclear disarmament.  According to David Krieger, president of the Nuclear Age Peace Foundation, “Current US nuclear policy comes down on the side of an indefinite commitment to nuclear weapons.”

 

Bush unmasked his hypocrisy about his commitment to the NPT regime when he struck a deal with India in which the U.S. would transfer nuclear fuel, technology and parts to India in exchange for India spending billions of dollars on American defense industries.  The hypocrisy began with the fact that India is not a member of the NPT and therefore is outside of the inspection and control regime of the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA).  In negotiating the treaty, the U.S. ignored virtually every single proliferation constraint allowing India to process weapons grade material at eight of their reactors without the required IAEA inspections.  By transferring nuclear fuel, the U.S. is in violation of Article I of the NPT which states that “Each nuclear-weapons State Party to the treaty undertakes not to transfer to any recipient whatsoever nuclear-weapons or other nuclear explosive devices…” and Article VI which states that “Each of the parties to the treaty undertakes to pursuit negotiations in good faith on effective measures relating to the cessation of the nuclear arms race.”  Violations of the NPT move the clock to five minutes to midnight.

 

Another deterrent to the development of new weapons and ensuring the reliability of old ones is the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty (CTBT) which bans all testing of nuclear weapons in order to prevent further developments in weapons technology and specifically the miniaturization of warheads.  The miniaturization of weapons would widen the scope of possible usage of nuclear devices to include, for example, the destruction of underground facilities such as the nuclear reactors in Iran.  To test these new weapons, the United States and France have developed a sophisticated computer system which allows either country to redesign weapons without an actual test.

 

Although it doesn’t violate the letter of the CTBT, the decision by Congress to launch the Reliable Warhead Replacement program violates its spirit.  By developing more sophisticated and miniaturized nuclear warheads, the U.S. is precipitating further development of nuclear technologies by both nuclear and non-nuclear states.  Violating the spirit of the CTBT and developing new weapons moves the clock to four minutes to midnight.

 

With the end of the Cold War, the U.S. had no justification for expanding and upgrading its nuclear arsenal yet every year the American government has spent billions of dollars enhancing its nuclear capability.  According to the Bulletin of Atomic Scientists, “As of January 2006, the U.S. stockpile contains almost 10,000 nuclear warheads…The Defense Department is upgrading its nuclear strike plans to reflect new presidential guidance and a transition of war planning from the top-heavy Single Integrated Operational Plan of the Cold War to a family of smaller and more flexible strike plans designed to defeat today’s adversaries.”  The sheer madness of Bush’s nuclear policy reflects a severely distorted and inaccurate perspective of the global nuclear configuration where only Russia, which is no longer an enemy, even remotely approaches the strength of the American arsenal.  It would be suicide for any nation to launch even the feeblest of nuclear attacks against the United States.

 

On the other hand, there are 27,000 nuclear warheads distributed among the official and non-official nuclear powers all of which can be launched within half an hour. (IAEA)  The American arsenal, the total worldwide inventory of nuclear warheads and the new nuclear weapon’s strategy moves the doomsday clock to three minutes to midnight.

 

The threat of a nuclear accident is possibly the greatest threat to a nuclear catastrophe.  Supposedly, the Titanic would not sink.  Compared to the complexity and the number of mechanical, electronic and chemical components in a nuclear arsenal underlying all of which is the potential for human error in addition to the sheer numbers of warheads worldwide, the probability of a nuclear accident is infinitely greater than the risk of the Titanic sinking.  Any argument about the world’s success in avoiding a nuclear accident ignores the fact that there have been a freightenly large number of near misses, many of which could easily have moved the doomsday clock to zero.  Consider the following accidents:

 

-February 1958 at Greenham Common airbase, England, a U.S. Air Force B-47 jettisoned

two 1700-gallon wingtip fuel tanks just missing a parked B-47 armed with nuclear weapons;

-February 1958 near Savannah, Georgia, a B-47 armed with a nuclear weapon collided with an F-86 fighter plane and jettisoned its bomb just before making a nuclear landing;

-January 16, 1961, an F-100 armed with a thermonuclear weapon caught fire scorching the nuclear weapon before it was extinguished;

-January 1968, the Defense Department announced publicly that between 1958 and 1968, there had been 13 major aircraft accidents involving nuclear weapons;

-1973, a Sandia Laboratories report stated that between 1950 and 1968, there had been a total of 1,250 nuclear weapons accidents of varying severity including cases where the bombs conventional high explosives had been detonated;

-November 1977, in West Germany, a U.S. Army CH-47 helicopter carrying nuclear weapons crashed after takeoff;

-since 1988, 96 U.S. nuclear warhead accidents have been reported.

                                     (2006 Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists)

 

With 27,000 warheads deployed in so many countries, it is virtually inevitable that human or non-human error will eventually be responsible for a nuclear accident.  Any nuclear accident would be a catastrophe of major proportions, but an accident that triggers a nuclear exchange could precipitate nuclear winter and would sentence all life on earth to a very painful death.  The possibility of nuclear accidents moves the doomsday clock to two minutes to midnight.

 

Testosterone-overloaded, power hungry, greedy and psychopathic men and a few women have created a world where many if not all life is threatened by nuclear weapons so that their nations will, in a meretricious irony, be secure from nuclear attack.  These madmen and women lack any perspective or insight into the long-term amelioration of life on earth as they focus, like little boys, on who has the biggest nuclear arsenal.  The tragic commentary of an arms buildup and the nuclear arms buildup in particular, is that leaders in most nations and institutions are immature and lack the ability to transcend the historical tendency to resolve disputes by force to a higher plane where negotiations, cooperation and compromise replace force as the means to settle differences.

 

It is extremely ironic that Albert Einstein, the man who discovered the theory that led to nuclear weapons, also warned that “The unleashed power of the atom has changed everything save our modes of thinking and we thus drift towards unparalleled catastrophe.”

 

Note: Since I wrote this article, the clock has been pushed forward to five minutes to midnight.

 

 


The Iranian Threat

Posted: 05/02/2008

 

The global bully, the United States, has committed war crimes by waging wars of aggression against nations who lacked the means to defend themselves against bombers dropping their lethal cargo from the safety of 35,000 feet.  Iraq, Libya, Sudan, Serbia and Iraq have all suffered civilian causalities and damage to non-military targets while failing to even scratch the paint on a single U.S. fighter or bomber.  Preparations are now underway to bludgeon another victim, Iran, whose capability to stop American or Israeli jets are negligible.

 

All these wars of aggression have characteristics in common and the campaign to justify and prepare to brandish American or Israel’s military hegemony over the skies of Iran is not different.

 

There is a gaping chasm between the justifications for these wars of aggression put forward for public and Congressional consumption and the actual reasons which are never discussed to avoid public and Congressional condemnation.  In the case of Libya, the public justification was to destroy terrorist havens in Libya whereas the actual motivation was to kill Muammar el-Qaddafi whose tent was “accidentally” bombed killing Qaddafi’s daughter.  The war against Serbia was not a humanitarian effort to stop ethnic cleansing but was part of a larger objective to break up the Former Yugoslavia and replace each federation with a non-socialist, pliant government.  The 2003 war against Iraq was about shifting ostensible justifications depending on whether the latest pretext had withstood public scrutiny whereas the real motivation was to remove Saddam Hussein from power after he refused to become subservient to the United States following the Iran-Iraqi war.  American intentions in Iraq were to build military bases and gain control over Iraqi oil.  The 1991 bombing of Iraq was intended to eliminate Saddam after which the CIA attempted to assassinate him.  All these efforts, having failed, left the United States with “no other choice” but to declare war on Iraq again in 2003.

 

According to the Bush Administration, a virtually fait-accompli nuclear capability in Iran poses a threat to the region and the U.S.  The warning about the Iranian nuclear threat conforms to the pattern of fear-mongering of past spurious justifications which are used as a means to win support for American hegemonic aspirations.  As was the case with past propaganda campaigns, the imminent Iranian nuclear threat exists only in the minds of public relations advisors and deceitful officials in the Bush Administration.

 

The Bush cabal has devised a method to ensure that intelligence always support the agenda of the administration.  If actual intelligence is unfavorable to their cause, they have a number of options:

 

1. cherry-pick the data (using the data selectively);

2. mine the data (extrapolating old data without incorporating any new data);

3. fabricate the intelligence (as in the forged Italian documents on the Iraqi nuclear threat);

4. misinterpret the intelligence (Colin Powell’s presentation to the Security Council);

5. or fail to verify the accuracy of the intelligence (Iraq ties to el-Qaeda).

 

In the case of Iran, the Bushites are ignoring the intelligence of their own security agencies and have pressured the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) to report to the Security Council that Iraq is in violation of international safeguards against nuclear-weapons proliferation.  To further advance their case that Iran is an imminent threat, they are talking as if Iran already has the material and technology to build nuclear weapons.  El Baradei, Director-General of the IAEA, reports that “I am not yet in a position to make a judgment on the peaceful nature of the [nuclear] program [in Iran].”

 

American intelligence agencies differ in their estimates of the progress of Iran’s nuclear weapons program but they all agree that it is premature to conclude that Iran currently has such a capability.  John D. Negroponte, Director of National Intelligence, in a statement to the Senate Committee on Intelligence on February 2, 2006 stated that “Tehran probably does not yet have a nuclear weapon and probably has not yet produced or acquired fissile material.”

 

One of the problems in assessing the Iranian nuclear threat is the lack of a recent comprehensive study.  The last study was conducted in 2001 and reported in the National Intelligence Estimate which was “approved by the National Foreign Intelligence Board under the authority of the Director of Central Intelligence”.  It reports that “All agencies agree that Iran could attempt to launch an ICBM/SLV about mid-decade, although most agencies believe Iran is likely to take until the last half of the decade to do so.  One agency further judges that Iran is unlikely to achieve a successful test of an ICBM before 2015.”

 

The IAEA is in the best position to evaluate the development of the weapons program in Iraq.  A resolution adopted by the Board of the IAEA on November 29, 2004, refers to “The Director General’s assessment that all declared nuclear material in Iran has been accounted for, and that such material is not diverted to prohibited activities, but that the Agency is not yet in a position to conclude that there are no undeclared nuclear materials or activities in Iran.”  John Burroughs, Executive Director of the Lawyer’s Committee on Nuclear Policy, in a letter to the IAEA board on January 23, 2006, notes that “The IAEA investigation into Iran’s past nuclear activities has not yet reached a conclusion.  Escalation would needlessly and artificially create a condition of crisis which could easily undermine the diplomatic and IAEA processes, and pave the way for a dangerous confrontation in the future.”

 

The Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists claimed in their November/December issue of 2004 that “Although the U.S. government and Israel have stated for years that Iran has a nuclear weapons program, they have not provided the IAEA or the public with the location of any nuclear weaponization sites or any direct evidence of such activities.”

 

Notwithstanding that the warnings by the U.S. and Israel are clearly premature, both countries have an agenda which will proceed on schedule despite any evidence contradicting their public pronouncements.  This is another characteristic of American wars of aggression.

 

Another characteristic is an effort to legitimize their actions with any organization or coalition that suits the purpose.  In the bombing of Iraq in 2003, the legitimizing organization was the Coalition of the Willing, a ragtag group of nations other than England and Spain, and in Serbia it was NATO.  The plan for the Iranian project is to have the IAEA drag Iran in front of the Security Council for a warning about punitive action if Iran does not comply with international safeguards.  At some point, the U.S. will concoct a pretext for bombing Iran.

 

At the moment, the U.S. seems determined to flex its muscles over Iran thereby destabilizing the Middle East and provoking more terrorism.  With each war of aggression, the planet becomes less safe contrary to the propaganda machine of the Bush Administration.  The U.S. and Russia are by far the greatest threat to initiate a nuclear attack as each country is still on hair-trigger alert and as the United States is constantly upgrading its nuclear arsenal in violation of the Non-Proliferation Treaty.  With the weaponization of space, a new level of risk threatens the planet with a nuclear holocaust as other countries such as China will devote their ever-growing resources to upgrading their own arsenal.  It is quite ironic that the U.S. has ferreted out Iran as a major nuclear threat while accelerating the risk with their own nuclear programme.

 


Genocide in Iraq

Posted: 04/17/2008

 

Despite the precipitous plunge in his popularity and growing criticism of his competency, character, and style, George W. Bush is not really that much different from other presidents with respect to his hegemonic ambitions or his proclivity to use force to achieve foreign policy objectives.  Continuing historical patterns, President Bush and all presidents since World War II have committed horrendous crimes against humanity in order to protect and advance American interests under the guise of liberating people from under the jackboot of brutal dictators or communist subversives, bringing democracy to totalitarian states, improving the lives of those who are suffering and eradicating terrorism.

 

These are laudable goals reflecting prevailing shibboleths domestically.  These goals are an alluring mantle for the real paradigm governing foreign policy which is the pursuit of American interests with total indifference to the consequences to people victimized by American “ideals”.

 

The gaping discrepancy between the stated goals of American foreign policy and its praxis is best exemplified by the apogee of war crimes: genocide.  In its pursuit of these lofty goals, the United States has committed genocide in Iraq.  Intervention resulting in genocide at the very minimum proves that American government’s professed motives for foreign policy decisions are altogether specious.

 

Rationalizations for the application of military force have been based on euphemistic doctrines which have no basis in American or international law.  George W. Bush’s doctrine of preemptive war was not new to foreign and defence policy strategists but can be traced back to Dean Acheson’s doctrine dismissing the applicability of international law to the United States as outlined in a speech to the American Society of International Law in 1963 in which he argued that:

 

The power, position and prestige of the US had been challenged [Cuban Missile Crisis] by another state and the law does not deal with such questions of ultimate power – power that comes close to the source of sovereignty. [1]

 

In other words, national interests including meretricious threats to the sovereignty of the American State supersede international law despite the fact the United Nations Charter makes provisions for these exigencies.

 

The growing appetite for the unilateral application of force resulted in the “humanitarian intervention” or “illegal but legitimate” doctrine during the Clinton and Bush presidencies.  This doctrine validated acts of preemption that justified the use of force whenever a threat was neither imminent nor substantial but necessary to defend the security interests of the United States against a perceived threat easily manufactured through the propaganda of fear.

 

Invading and occupying Iraq under the pretext of a preemptive war, a country already decimated by Dessert Storm, sanctions and no-fly-zones, represents the quintessential tragedy and hypocrisy of American foreign policy.  To verify that the American Government is guilty of genocide in Iraq, I will establish a set of criteria based on the United Nations Convention for the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide and apply them to Iraq.

 

The UN Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide sets out a number of criteria to evaluate whether or not a war crime attains the magnitude of genocide.  These criteria are not without controversy but by examining the scholarly literature on the subject and the judgments of the International Criminal Court, I have established conservative standards to assess whether or not the American Government is responsible for genocide in Iraq.

 

According to the Convention:

 

Genocide means any of the following acts committed with intent to destroy, in whole or in part, a national, ethnical, racial, or religious group such